What is a Nigerian Worth?

Nwachukwu Egbunike

I must confess that I owe this adopted title to Patrick Utomi, whose article What is the Value of Human Life? on Nigerian Village Square (NVS) sent me thinking. However, I could not afford the pleasure of a long reverie as I was soon startled back to reality by yet another post on NVS. This time it was the bestial YouTube rendering of the extrajudicial murder in Maiduguri, northern Nigeria by those who have sworn to defend us with integrity and courage.

If other countries literally go to the gates of hell to protect her citizens, what is the worth of a Nigerian life. For US to send Mr Bill Clinton (a former president) to go and prostrate before North Korea’s  dictator over the life of two ‘ordinary’ journalists, is nothing short of knocking on the infernal gate. The recent outburst in northern Nigeria over the Boko Haram sect (western education is a sin) has sent many Nigerians to an early party in the world down under. However, what seems sad is the little worth placed on those who were killed by religious fanatics and the fanatics who were extra-judicially sentenced to death. On both sides, Nigerians blood has flowed like an failed dam, soaking our landscape and diminishing our humanity.

What makes it more gruesome is that the state had intelligence that the pot was about to boil and did nothing. It took the outburst of kasala, which included the deaths of innocent people, the policemen who were killed, throwing their wives to undeserved widowhood and making their kids orphans, before government woke up to its responsibilities. A detachment of soldiers were sent to kill a crop of fanatics. Of course in the process, the death toll included some unfortunate innocents, whose only crime was to be found in the wrong place and at the wrong time.

As if the blood was not enough, our police took it upon themselves to avenge the death of their collegues. A sure reminace of life in the jungle, they went on a shooting spree. The recoil and arguement by Nigerians – for and against – is already captured by the NVS, and I don’t intend to repeat them. Nonetheless, I cannot but ask myself, what is a Nigerian worth?

Behold the Reformers

Nwachukwu Egbunike

A subtle yet violent confrontation against electoral reform is unfolding. If words were enough to transpose a swift transmutation on Nigeria’s eluding electoral shamble, then the Coalition of Democrats for Electoral Reform (CODER) would have since gone extinct. The CODER last week Thursday presented three private bills on electoral process reform to the public in Abuja. With the hype it created one would have thought that reform has finally arrived, I am not so optimistic.

Granted that CODER as constituted embraces both partisan politicians – from different parties – and civil society organisations, nonetheless, can politicians ever agree to a common cause? Nigerian politics have been driven more often by selfish interests leaving the common good in the cold. When politicians united against the third term bid, it was not so much that some of them were against it, rather a third term spelt disaster for their personal ambition. Thus the Action Congress was a cacophony of sorts, those whose bread seemed in danger of having no butter melting on it. It was quite obvious that as soon as the immediate threat (Mr Obasanjo) was sent back to his farm in Ota the marriage of convenience will elapse. And so it did, a present discord between Mr Atiku Abubakar and Mr Bola Tinubu is turning into a festering wound.

Nonetheless the courage of CODER should be admired, for by daring to stand against the Nigeria establishment they are toeing a tight rope. This cord has the potentials of either setting to right the rumpled electoral bill or strangling it. So far the Yar’Adua’s government has left no one in doubt of its intentions of killing democracy. Against the initial populist mega phoning of commitment to the rule of law and electoral reforms, the actions of Mr Yar’Adua hue the opposite.

Call it skepticism or outright cynicism, the parade of politicians in CODER gives me goose bumps.  It seems to be a coalition of the opposition, which is quite welcome bearing in mind that the PDP is practically running a one-party state. At the same time, politicians in this country do not like being in opposition. They may ride on its tide to popularity, but at the slightest opportunity, they decamp. How they intend to fight “the largest party in Africa” will be a glad revelation. The issue here is not the formation of an opposition party, rather is seeing it to a logical conclusion. I envisage that as soon as the division of political offices to be aspired come nearer, then there may be a split.

How CODER will be able to manage this great company of diverse interest will in no measure determine the future of democracy in Nigeria. While 2011 draws near let’s hope we don’t slip into the trenches of a disorganised opposition that has given the PDP the leverage to continue its violation of Nigeria’s democracy. “We are in no further need of politicians; we need statesmen now,” Paul Haris opines. Unfortunately I neither see statesmen in PDP nor in the opposition as presently constituted.

Why African Economies are Teetering

Nwachukwu Egbunike

Donald Kaberuka, AfDB’s Chief

With the grey-haired haughtiness of a village headmaster, the President of African Development Bank (AfDB), Donald Kaberuka recently declared that, “the geometric growth in African countries’ population had sustained the high level of poverty among families.” These apocalyptic words would have been true had Mr Kaberuka made a bit more effort in digging deep into the root cause of poverty in the continent. Unfortunately, he did not, because the lack of good governance is the rope that has continually teetered Africa to the tree of poverty.

Before going into the economic sophistry against AfDB’s chief statement, one is tempted to ask if Zimbabwe’s population was the catalyst that sent White farmers packing. So much so that, the erstwhile food basket of Southern Africa has morphed into a starvation station. Or was the geometric rise in the population of the Niger Delta of Nigeria responsible for the neglect of the people, the desecration of their land and water?
The disappearance of the groundnuts pyramids in northern Nigeria, cocoa plantations in western Nigeria and oil palm industry in eastern Nigeria had nothing to do with population but rather the governance-enfeebling bent of a natural resource trap. Certainly, President Barrack Obama must have been ill-advised when he deliberately ignored the land of his father, Kenya, electing rather to visit Ghana. Perhaps the current trial of Liberia’s former President, Charles Taylor and the warrant of arrest of Sudan’s Omar al-Bashir respectively, are all due to Africa’s overpopulation crisis?

Poor economic security, lack of title to lands, corruption, absence of seedlings and fertilizers are some of the root cause of endemic poverty among rural Africans (majority of Africans are rural farmers). Kofi A. Anan’s Alliance for Green Revolution in Africa (AGRA) informed analysis concurs that: “A root cause of this entrenched and deepening poverty is the fact that millions of small-scale farmers — the majority of them women working farms smaller than one hectare — cannot grow enough food to sustain their families, their communities, or their countries.” In order words, the travails of subsistence farming beget poverty. Had Mr Kaberuka been more diligent, he would have realized that “deficiency in government policies and farming practices” is the yeast that produces the stale bread of poverty which constipates Africa.

The solution should therefore be participatory, leading from behind not the archaic top down approach, follow your leader. The AGRA insists that “this agricultural revolution must rely on uniquely African solutions to uniquely African problems: solutions that improve the productivity, biodiversity, and nutritional quality of food crops; that practice sound agro-ecosystem management across dramatically different environments; that support mixed crop-livestock farming systems; and that consistently promote equity. It must be pro-poor and pro-environment.”

The reason of being of any government is to provide utilities that facilitate the common good. In most countries in Africa, transportation, access to information, power, communication and education are a disaster. The lack of these public utilities certainly breeds poverty. Truth be told, unchecked governance not population control is the bane of Africa’s underdevelopment.

Political stability is not possible without good governance. A tide of change is gradually sweeping through the continent, with Africans demanding that their right to elect their leaders be adhered to. If elections are not credible, then there’s little or no guarantee of peace. Without calm in the polity, development is a mere flight of fancy. The leaders of the G8 group of industrialized nations had this in mind when resolved that: “food security is closely connected with economic growth and social progress as well as with political stability and peace.” (‘L’Aquila’ Joint Statement on Global Food Security – L’Aquila Food Security Initiative (AFSI) 10 July, 2009)

Sound economic theories seem to fail in most African countries due to the greasing of hands and lining of various pockets. Though corruption is not peculiar to the continent, there are Madoffs all over the world. Nonetheless the absence of institutional lids makes Africa exceptional. According to the World Bank’s 2009 governance indicators, “In the dimension of rule of law one standard deviation is all that separates the very low ratings of Afghanistan or Zimbabwe from the still-low ratings of countries such as Nigeria or Paraguay”. Furthermore, it contends that “improved governance strengthens development, and not the other way around. When governance is improved by one standard deviation, infant mortality declines by two-thirds and incomes rise about three-fold in the long run”.

It’s unfortunate that Mr Donald Kaberuka made that statement. Coming from a man who should know, makes it more worrisome. It has no basis in reality, except in the consciousness of some fishy humanitarians. And who says that population is a threat? If so, then China, India and Brazil will not be the darling of US trade efforts. To boot, the Chinese consumer market is the world’s fastest-growing. China is mulling the revamp of its one child policy while Sweden pays parents to have children. Rapidly growing cities like Shanghai are ageing at a faster clip. Without adequate social security, there are fears that caring for the aged will fall on a disproportionate number of working age citizens.

In The Myth of Population Explosion, Anthony Okoromadu and Juan Elegido contrast this to “Belgium and Sweden, for instance, rich and technologically sophisticated countries, but due their small populations they have little weight in the international scene.” The success of MTN a mobile telephone company in Nigeria lends credence to the old saying that where the people are, there you’ll find the market. The company was able to record highest profits ever after one year in Nigeria than it had done after many years in South Africa. No use peering into the crystal ball, fix governance in Africa and poverty will fly off the continent. It’s as simple as that.

Dirge to University Education in Nigeria

Nwachukwu Egbunike

Sam Egwu, Minister of Education, Nigeria

It’s been a treat reading Niyi Osundare’s Dialogue with my Country. As I poured over this poet’s prosaic monologue – since it takes two to dialogue – Osundare could as well have been soliloquizing as his audience have made no pretense at listening, let alone responding. Nonetheless, his play of words enthralled while the issues he raised sobered.

However, the part of Osundare’s book on education (chapter 5), though originally written some 20 years ago, only reinforced that things hardly change. The dirge for our university system has once more be intoned, like a horrible ghost that hunts our collective sensibilities, the universities have been forced to go on an indefinite vacation. While the famished “ivory towers” or what is left of it, is embroiled in crisis, the education minister surfs in a London celebration wave.

Initially I had no sympathy for ASUU. I had thought that their propensity to strike has not helped anyone. I had reasoned that ASUU, NASU and SANU, should give this government the benefit of doubt. After all, they all cannot be blind to the obvious, this is a war situation and all should be patriotic. That was my position until government reacted. In a despicable “might is right” posture and without any negotiation, they flung a 40% salary increase. As if the university teachers are just hungry and only need a little appeasement, government insensitivity continued with “the no work, no pay policy.”

An elementary principle of crisis control enunciates that two parties in a dispute should always make joint pronouncements. It only makes sense, else one party can easily feel sidelined and the crisis rather than subsiding only escalates. I wonder how the government party came to the conclusion that these teachers are only concerned about their pockets. Thus the solution is to add a few kobos to their income and pronto, they will go back to their classes.

ASUU in an articulate presentation of their reasons for dropping the chalk – delible markers in these days of whiteboard – stated as follows: “For over two years, the Federal Government and ASUU Negotiating Teams searched for a minimum point from which the Nigerian University system could make significant progress towards reversing the brain drain that has deprived our country of a vital causal agency in national development, i.e. the development and sustenance of a large pool of scholars whose intellectual scientific production would reposition Nigeria for greater responsibilities in national development”(see ASUU’s website).

This means that both parties have been talking for two long years and still the government pretends to be caught unawares by the industrial action. If so where they also deaf to the wails of children of lesser gods when these teachers refused to transmit the precious gush of knowledge for two weeks? Or were they blindfolded when “the two teams agreed, to begin the process of repositioning the university system as envisaged, that a required minimum of funds should be provided both in the public universities, Federal and State, with increased efforts by universities to generate funds without compromising the goals and integrity of universities.”

Where then is the role of law in all these? For an administration that has worn us out by this sing song, what is worse than failing to honour an agreement? In face of these, education still remains a point of the 7-point agenda. Lo we have former university teachers as the servant of education and president respectively. And these are the brands that the information minister seeks to re-garnish?

Those who think that the alternative lies in private universities are certainly in error. As much as the space of university education has been broadened by these non-public institutions, the desired may continue to be elusive. Like the morning mist that takes on its heels with the appearance of the sun, many of these private universities are no better than glorified secondary schools. I was stunned on seeing the academic performance of one, in which about 30% of the graduating students made first class while about 50% had upper second class honours degree.

Like mushrooms, the private universities burgeon the academic scenery. Relying mainly on tired professors (and some serving teachers in public universities), some of their students have had the doors of the public schools slammed upon their faces. Needless to state that not all private campuses wallow in this pitiable mess, some are so outstanding that they have made nonsense of governments’ former monopoly of university education. Nonetheless, some private universities deserve not the licenses of accreditation.

In the beginning of this essay I said that Niyi Osundare’s book was a soliloquy not a dialogue. Our leaders are not only deaf but also incapable of sane reasoning. You can only have a conversation with a person who is ready to listen. It’s sad that Osundare’s conclusion in July 31, 1989 in ‘Rhythms of Violence’ should apply July 2009. “All this is just one indication of the decline and fall of Nigeria’s university system in recent years – its loss of autonomy, its dwindling financial support, the constant humiliation of its staff. This in itself is a form of violence to a system on which the country relies for a substantial part of its manpower, a sure invitation to further brain drain.”

Awaiting Yar’Adua’s Last Laugh

Nwachukwu Egbunike

Mr. Musa Yar’Adua will soon confound critics of his seven-point agenda. Speaking through Mr Ojo Madueke, the president with magisterial authority of a classroom teacher told the audience at a self-incensing book launch that “our reluctance to join issues must not be interpreted to mean a yielding of the civic space to those who do not even know the names of their councils” (Guardian, Friday, July 17, 2009).

If the success of the seven-point menu now depends on the erudition of Nigerians about the names of their councils, then Mr President has failed. He has flunked because it shows the level of apathy of Nigerians towards government – local, state or national. The umbilical cord that should knot grass root governance is lost in the murky and putrid water of ineffectiveness. Mr Yar’Adua’s statement is therefore an admission of guilt. If the rope of darkness – that should have been illuminated and severed by local administration – still strangles Nigerians, whose fault is it? My gratitude for waking up to the reality that local governments don’t exist, or better still, they perch as volume fillers in our constitution.

Nonetheless, an appraisal of these bogus agenda is desirable in view of Mr Yar’Adua’s blustering speech. The seven issues are: power and energy; food security and agriculture; wealth creation and employment; mass transportation; land reform; security; and qualitative and functional education. By 2015, Nigeria’s power play will have ceased. I don’t intend to state the obvious; only a surreal imagination can fabricate such fantasy. Ghana and even Cameroon have solved their power crisis. Nigerians have long realized that it makes no sense connecting to the national grid; with I better pass my neighbour, power is assured.

Food security and agriculture is easier said than done. “Food security is closely connected with economic growth and social progress as well as with political stability and peace,” so says the G8 leaders that met recently in Italy. If farmers lack the relevant subsidies that are their due, how do we gain food security? If the fertilizers meant for rural farmers are diverted to the farms of the powerful then … Where information is a luxury, how will farmers keep abreast of innovation and market prices? So much for food sufficiency.

Wealth creation is as bogus as it is lousy. Oil remains the dominant source of income for the Nigerian economy. If the government decides to diversify its income, well and good. Nigerians need no tutorial on wealth creation, if our president is in doubt, he should go for an excursion to Alaba, Main Market Onitsha, Aba, Dugbe and Kano. Can Mr President tell us how he intends to have the last laugh on employment? Was it not in the recent past that a Minister of Employment admitted that millions of Nigerian youths are unemployed? Perhaps he has a magic wand that will vanquish unemployment in the next two years?

I suggest that Mr President takes a lesson from Lagos State BRT on transportation. It easier to make policy statements that cannot be fulfilled. The tears shed by the former transport minister on the Ore-Axis of the Lagos-Benin Road, has since dried up. In its place are treacherous gullies. The railways are yet to be revived from fatal slumber that the Chinese where supposed to spear-head. Rather than hold them to account, a special adviser deemed it right to give away hectares of land for a Chinese bank.

Are we secured? If there is any other area, where Mr Yar’Adua could have made any impact, it was precisely in the Niger Delta question. Had he had the courage to address the root cause of the crisis, not the symptoms, then he would certainly have a hearty laugh. As things stand, the delta is as inflammable as their oil and gas. It’s still early though, to appraise the effect of the amnesty granted the militants. Sincerely, I really pity Mr Yar’Adua, the creeks and swamps of the delta are not for the faint-hearted. ASUU, SANU and NASU are currently on strike and where does this fit into the menu of “qualitative and functional education?”

The seven-point agenda as magnificent as it is rather impractical. For this reason, many have advocated that this menu be trimmed down to one – either power or electoral reforms. It takes a lot of humility to realise that one cannot possibly achieve everything. While I await the last laugh of Mr Yar’Adua on the Seven-Point Agenda, I am certain he is already beaming in smiles as Mr Rule of Law.

Guardian, July 22, 2009

Helen (Not-of-Troy): A Collection of Poems

Reviewer: Nwachukwu Egbunike

Mark Nwagwu/BookBuilders.Edition Africa/2009

Helen (not-of-Troy)

Helen (not-of-Troy) a collection of poems by Marcus (not-of-Aurelius) contains lyrical love songs with a similar theme – but devoid of the tragedy – of Romeo and Juliet. The poet sets the contemplative rhythm of these verses to his wife, when he admits in the dedication that Helen’s “eye led me to poetry”.

Poetry has always been accused of being exclusive. The level of appreciation of most poems usually depends on the culture of the reader. Matters get worse when the poet clings to the “thou, art,” old Shakespearian English. The abhorrence by many cannot be separated from the fluidity of words, which like waves can carouse but also intimidate.

Some scholars insist that the redundancy of poetry has consigned it to the realm of events. For instance, a poem was composed and recited during Barrack Obama’s inauguration as the President of the United States. The greater majority enjoy straight prose. They also claim that due to poetry’s unpopularity as a genre of literature, it is gradually dying out. In its place, other popular cultural artifacts like prose, popular music and videos (Nollywood) have totally saturated the world of discourse.

Nonetheless, Nwagwu has shown that poems needs not be complicated in other to be posh. At the same time simplicity is no excuse for superficiality. Waving words into rhymes, the poet sings, amplifies and transmits his love to Helen, his wife of 47 years. Helen (not-of-Troy) is his gift to Helen, on her descent from her professorial chair in the University of Ibadan.

In the first part “of Helen”, Nwagwu falls flaunts his love. The poet employs a transliteration of an Igbo saying, “My people say/to someone they love/I see you in my eyes (afulum gi n’anya). He narrates their family history in “fate leave shoreless sea,” deftly sandwiching the names of their children between the lines. For instance, “all those years from ugochi in Swedish the first cry of erik connecticut storrs…” Also notes their professional paths – for Helen “graduated brock in clinical psyche” while Mark “rose in learning molecules.” The poet incenses Helen’s toes in a “toe to kiss”, remembers his proposal in “will you marry me,” is enthralled by her “innocent eyes” and goes amok with “the way you move”. “How can I be cold” queries Mark? “If touching you” “give me a new heart.” I was almost beginning to think that the poet was infatuated until I read that “love never says enough.”

In the third part “of the spirit” the poet exposes the transcendental dimension of his thoughts. He narrates what mirrors an accident survived in “last breath” and later taunts hell in “please let me in.” I was beguiled reading the short but punchy description of Christ’s triumphal entry into Jerusalem in “riding on a donkey” and Christmas in “a little babe kept warm.” The shortest nativity story I have read so far remains “and warmth was born.”

However, I saw no reason for Part 2 “of the soul” because it could have easily fitted into Part 4 “and random thoughts.” For in both, the poet speaks of every other thing except his Helen and his matters of the spirit. Nonetheless, I cannot fail to commend the editor and the publishers for a thorough work. I tried in vain to pick errors but was disappointed, as I found none. The font style and illustrations used blends with the romantic nuance of the poems.

In Helen (not-of-Troy), Mark Nwagwu flew to the heights of contemplation by gazing at the eyes, feet and soul of Helen. Well scripted, simple but yet sublime. Cannot but agree with William Shakespeare that “when love speaks, the voice of the gods makes heaven drowsy with harmony.”

Guardian, July 20, 2009

In Defence of Parliamentary Pension

Nwachukwu Egbunike

Members of the National Assembly want a pension for their tedious service to our country. This to my view should be treated with the urgency it deserves. After all, if civil servants and other public officials – in spite of their low performance – should go receive emolument from the treasury after retirement, who should deny our undistinguished legislators of their right (democracy dividend).

It’s a national sacrifice to stand for elections into the National Assembly, to abandon one’s place of residence and move to Abuja is such a grave risk. Besides law making is no mean job and the rigours associated with it are immense. It no child’s play to pass a bill, carry out oversight functions, screen and confirm appointments for the executive. In addition, our family and pocket representatives have to cross the seas on legislative jamborees. If this is not enough to merit a pension, I wonder what else will suffice.

It is true that the legislative report card since 2007 was a dismal 5%, passing 15 bills out of a total of 284 bills that was presented to them. But we are all in a learning process, and Nigerians should not expect a miracle overnight. Besides the senate loudspeaker insists that they should be judged by the impact of the bills passed not the number. This means that even if one bill is passed per year, it is better than rushing many bills out of the legislative oven. In this case, the more is certainly not better.

Pension for our legislators will certainly go a long way in checking corruption. We are all witnesses to the impressive Democracy Day celebration of the National Assembly. The hunted halls of the chambers reverberated with the presence of some former disgraced and shameless principal officers. If there was pension, some of them would not have been dishonoured out of office. Asides, the chief whip would not have faced scourging that he got for misapplying funds meant for the democracy owambe. Poor fellow, if there was pension, he would have been more generous in dispensing the funds amongst his colleagues. Every undistinguished parliamentarian would have also choped and there would have been peace.

And pay no attention to the self acclaimed columnists and their verbal effusions. They can spill as much bile as they want, if it helps to reduce their blood pressure, well and good. Nonetheless, as dignified parliamentarians who deserve on the best, you cannot be distracted from your duty to the nation. Most of these journalists are not only afflicted with the “diarrhoea of the mouth” but are also chronic bad bele patients – beefers.

Let them squeal for all you care. Will this be the first time that ASUU will be going on strike? What does one expect from those hooligans parading as union activist? If they are angry that a parliamentarian earns more, they better abandon their professorial chairs and join politics. There is no power, and so what? The roads are not in good condition; these useless busybodies had better visit other African countries and compare their roads with ours. Which legislator can only focus on these developmental issues on an empty stomach or a bleak future? As a matter of fact, these issues only impress the urgency of having pension package for the dishonourable members.

Don’t mind them if they come up with the usual American or European models. We are certainly not oyibos. The National Assembly is on the verge of developing a home grown approach model of parliamentary procedures, a cardinal aspect of which includes pension for law makers. Bearing in mind the peculiar cultural terrine, one needs something to fall back upon. Besides the storm in the tropic, is usually unpredictable and violent.

I hope that the executive will treat this defence of parliamentary pension as a matter of national security. They should avoid the altercations that seem to characterise the relationship between both arms of government especially when money is involved. The pension for the un-honourable members of the National Hall of Shame should be passed with immediate effect!

BEYOND THE SARO-WIWA AND SHELL SETTLEMENT

Nwachukwu Egbunike

“If you shut up the truth and bury it underground, it will but grow and gather to itself such explosive power, that the day it burst through, it will blow up everything in its way.” – Emile Zola, French author (1840-1920)

Ken Saro-Wiwa

I could not find a more apt expression than that of Emile Zola, to portray the recent out of court settlement between the Nigerian subsidiary of Shell (the Anglo Dutch oil conglomerate) and the family of Ken Saro-Wiwa and others. Beyond the rhetoric’s of the $15.5 million paid as compensation to the Ogoni’s, this belated deal only reinforces that truth and justice can be suppressed but never silenced.

The scenario to this judgment, started way back before 1995, when Ken Saro-Wiwa and his companions were sent to their graves by Sani Abacha’s government. Ken dared tell truth to power. His crime was that he said no to the violation of Ogoniland, where the flora and fauna were flayed, where fish had disappeared from their meals because the water was save no longer. He shouted out that the very air that his people breathed was filled with fumes. Instead of correcting their grievances, Shell and Abacha elected to can them forever. Or so they thought.

While I don’t intend to canonise Ken, his tactics were criticised by some as being in most cases high handed. Some actually accused him of having the illusions of grandeur. Nonetheless, the situation in the Niger Delta (including Ogoni) limns the curse of oil. As much as the militancy in the delta has deviated from Ken’s ideals, so also has the inability of government to response to crisis, never have been so glaring. Had the Ogoni’s demand been addressed in years past, perhaps the government would have averted the war there.

It is not so intriguing that oil firms in Nigeria will stop at nothing to prevent exploration. “This giant produces desirable oil,” say Andy Rowel et al in The Next Gulf: London, Washington and Oil Conflict in Nigeria (2005: Constable). Other reasons why the West will stop at nothing (in connivance with the establishment) to ‘flush’ out any resistance in the delta are:

• “First, it is light (in terms of gravity), which means less refining.

• “Secondly, it is known within the industry as ‘sweet’ – its low sulphur content means it is highly desirable by Western refineries.

• “Thirdly, it is closer to the Middle East, to the hungry markets of Western Europe and America, and close to easy shipping lanes. A tanker takes three weeks to reach US from Nigeria, rather than eight weeks it takes from Saudi Arabia.” (Next Gulf: 2005, pg9)

Granted that no group should hold a state to ransom, nor should any government abdicate her responsibilities to anarchy. Nonetheless, violence always begets more violence. As much as I don’t subscribe to the criminal dispositions of Niger Delta militants (kidnapping of people or destroying oil installations), I doubt if a show of force will effect the change we all desire. Unfortunately, it is the voiceless – innocent men, women and children – that are the victims. The vested interests that sponsor and abate these militants will most certainly not be affected.

Besides, on what moral authority does the government hinge its attack on? If the so-called ‘criminals’ in the delta deserve some heat, what about the ‘pen-criminals’ in Abuja? When will government muster the courage to fight corruption within her fold? Or are politicians who rig elections – killing and injuring their fellow citizens in the process – not worse enemies of the state?

“I tell you this, I may be dead but my ideals will not die,” were Ken’s words in the book quoted above. The truth is that the delta crisis will not disappear overnight. It is like a chain reaction, which will only be terminated with concessions from all sides. The government should show more concrete and sincere intentions to develop the region. The deltans should also try to more flexible and accommodating in their demand. While the oil companies should uphold high standards, as they do in other countries, in the communities they operate. If not, I do not see this oil fire ever dying; it will continue to burn all that gets close to it.

The Past Remains in the Present

By Christopher John Akor

University of Ibadan

A thousand apologies to Professor Louis J. Munoz for using the title of his book, The Past in the Present: Towards a Rehabilitation of Tradition (Spectrum Books Ibadan, 2007) for this rejoinder. Munoz’s book title summarized by position after reading Levi Obijiofor’s , Living in the Present, Dying of the Past, which appeared in the Guardian (Friday, May 15, 2009). The piece was an attempt to demonstrate, using the educational sector as an example, how economic and other conditions in Nigeria have been in constant decline for the past 30 years. In doing that however, he chose to employ the old and now boring approach of ‘university bashing’ and the ‘my days were better’ approach.

Happily, most of these ‘old schools’ are leaving the scene and one would have expected the practice to stop. But alas, people like Obijiofor and so many others who represent the second or is it third generation of university graduates have decided to take over from the ‘old schools.’ I guess it would not be long before those who graduated in the 1990’s and early 2000’s (the worst period of university education in Nigeria) join in this practice which is fast becoming a favourite past time of many people, since in Nigeria, the past is always assumed to be better than the present.

Obijiofor attended the University of Lagos in the late 70’s and early 80’s and described life in the university then, quiet modestly as he claimed, as ‘golden’. But he may be surprised the ‘old schools’ may not agree with him. For most of them, the glory days of the universities were already lost by the time Obijiofor passed through the system. He explained that very good food was sold to them at a very cheap price of 50 kobo on Sundays. He needs to be reminded however that in the 50’s, 60’s, and early 70’s, meals were free. In fact, our old professors used to regal us with the story of how they went on rampage when the school authorities reduced the size of the chicken they gave to each student on Sunday by half. What was more, Obijiofor conceded that in his days, some lecture halls were actually “filled to excess capacity with students sitting on the floor and others standing outside the lecture halls…”Though he did not mention how many they were in a room or the living condition in the hostels, I would assume they were not too comfortable and the practice of squatting would be prevalent in his days in UNILAG.

By the standards of the ‘old schools’, this can never be ‘golden’ as Obijiofor want us to believe. It was an obvious sign of decline of the system. In the 50’s, 60’s and early 70’s, there was nothing like congestions in classrooms. Accommodation was one per room. They also enjoyed laundry and room–cleaning services and had porters at their beck and call – all for free. Enough of the ‘old schools’ and their ‘glory years’.

I also think, going by Obijiofor’s descriptions, and quite unlike the ‘university bashers’, that the present university system, at least the one I attended (University of Ibadan from 2004 – 2008), is far better than that of the past (at least of the 80’s and 90’s). Let us make comparisons. In the past, there was the problem of student population explosion and the consequent strain on facilities. Then, two man rooms were occupied by an upwards of 10 students. Also because of the constant strikes and dispute between government and ASUU, students take longer time to graduate. What was more, facilities were in total decay no thanks to the neglect of the system by the military. But these could not be said of the University of Ibadan today. Student population explosion has been controlled by a deliberate policy of not admitting more than 3,500 students each year.

Classes are never congested and to add to our comfort, most of the classes are fitted with air conditioners, plush seats and white marker boards. Even, many lectures are now delivered with projectors. I can not remember seeing any lecturer carrying chalks about. The hostels are also well maintained so that it is now even more convenient to live in hostels than rent a room outside. In UI today, there are one-man, two-man, three-man and at most, four-man rooms. Squatting is an illegal offence that may lead to rustication. This cannot be said of Obijiofor’s days.

Talking about food, UI also offers good food at cheap prices, say for N100. In fact, in my days, you could eat with N40 or N50: three wraps of fufu goes for N30 with N10 or N20 fish or meat. As for the luxury of ice cream and coffee, we have since learnt to do without that.

More importantly, we had one of the best concentration of teaching staff with some departments boasting of an upwards of 15 professors. We were well thought and except for people like Obijiofor, I do not know what a hand-out means because we were given none, and in most cases, not even class notes. The lecturer ‘lectures’ and it is our business to read up what was taught and make further researches. I count it a great privilege to be taught by great academics like Professors A.A.B. Agbaje, Eghosa Osaghae, Alex Gboyega, Fred Onyeoziri, John Ayoade, Rotimi Suberu, O.B.C. Nwolise, Bayo Okanade, and countless others who were clearly the very best in their fields. How could one accuse these lecturers of giving us hand-outs? Class lectures were not all. We had a rich tradition of organising seminars, debates, colloquia, public lectures, symposia, etc where we meet and interact with great minds both within and outside the country. How would Obijiofor claim we did not receive good education?

Admitted that access to new books and current journals are now limited. But in UI, there can be no shortage of relevant materials to consult. To solve the problem, faculties, departments, units, institutes now have their own libraries and these, I must confess, are well stocked and attract students and scholars from all over the country and beyond. Beyond that however, we had something Obijiofor never had in his days – computers and internet technology which has revolutionalised learning so that from the comfort of one’s room, one could access virtually any information he/she requires. I give example. When my project supervisor and I agreed on a topic to write on, I had thought it would be difficult to come by relevant materials since it is a field (police research) that most Nigeria academics spurn. However, thanks to the internet and several online journals, I had difficulty sorting through the mass of research materials I gathered.

Finally, modern day students face far greater challenges, manage far greater information and are expected to learn far greater things than students of previous generation. For instance, during Obijiofor’s day, it was the GPA system of grading that was in use. Then a student could afford to play for the most part of his/her years in school and get serious at the later stage and still make a First Class. Now with the CGPA system, this is impossible. A slip even in one’s first semester in year one can end one’s ambition of graduating with a First Class no matter how serious he/she later becomes. What is more, a check on the curricula and course outlines in use during Obijiofor’s days would make one laugh at the sheer shallowness of the contents. So instead of proving to us that his days were better, Obijiofor could well channel his energies towards looking for solutions to country’s educational problems.

Mr. Akor is a youth corps member, serving in Igbinedion University, Okada.

10 Years of Civilian Interregnum

Mr Yar'Adua, President of Nigeria

Nwachukwu Egbunike

“Injustice- I sit on a man’s back, choking him and making him carry me. And yet assure myself and others that I am very sorry for him; and I wish to ease his lot by all possible means – except by getting off his back”. – Leo Tolostoy (1828-1910) in “What Then Must We Do?”

Civilian rule, particularly the type currently practiced in Nigeria, is a government of some people, by some people and for some people. It will be a crude joke to imply that we have a democracy. For in appearance, it looks like one but in fact it is just a transition from military dictatorship to civilian rule.

For a decade, the principal right of Nigerians to duly elect their leaders have been denied. Each successive election has been a progressive deteriorating ulcer, with the courts giving palliative care from time to time. Until Nigerians can choose their leaders through the ballot box, we’ll continue to have this civilian interregnum. Our country seems to have earned itself a pride of place by redefining the theories of power. Nigerian politicians have added a middle phase, which is neither pure dictatorial tyranny nor democratic governance.

In addition, we have a very biased electoral body, which is intently an agency of the Peoples Democratic Party. Going by the extent and large scale wuruwuru, INEC, is determined to defend the impossible. Besides, the pharmacist will remain untouchable and the electoral reform, an appetizer in our quest for true democracy.

I was rather disappointed with this year’s Democracy Day Celebrations. There was no cake cutting. In the past, the principal officers of the three arms of government, assisted by the chief of the most chaotic party in Africa usually gathered to literally cut the ‘national cake’. I have no illusion of ever getting a chunk of the cake; nonetheless, it falls within the ambits of my right as a citizen to demand for the ‘national garri’.

The national cake symbolizes the collective failure of government; it typifies the inherent mentality to perceive it as a privilege. It is the height of injustice to deny citizens of their fundamental right to determine their government. In its absence, we are treated to a constant course of obscenities, arising from our undistinguished representatives.

While I intend not to whine and moan, an attribute of our national lure, I cannot remain mute. Silence in the face of injustice, is comfortable but disastrous. The mess we are witnessing is a direct consequence of the basic role of governance. “Since the state alone embodies genuine authority and therefore incorporates, realizes and administers the common good”, (L. J. Munoz: 1996, Virtues: An Inquiry into Moral Values of Our Times). The provision of the common good (national garri) is the prime responsibility of any government. These are usually not far fetched – they include good roads, security, social services, etc. The wonders of Mr Fashola of Lagos State are hinged on this pedestal.

Justice consists in giving each person his due. Distributive justice finds it loudest amplification in the applications in political power. Munoz remarked in 1996, that “injustice disunites;” a contradiction of Ade Ajayi’s “justice unites”. Although there have been splashes of true ‘democratic dividends’ in areas of our national polity, the rest are just lies and only lies.

For any true progress, people have to perceive sincerity and transparency in government business. The current trend of graft and pampering of pen criminals have to end. Nigerians demand their due, a government they can call their own; an administration that is really bent on changing the country. Until that happens, let us not deceive ourselves in the pretence of democratic euphoria. For the time being it does not exist, we only have a civilian rule.